|Algerian war timeline|
In 1830, France first occupied Algeria and considered it an integral part of the French metropolitan state. By 1959 more than one million French, Italian and Spanish citizens settled there and comprised 10 percent of the general population. Despite their working-class backgrounds, they became more commonly known as these colonies or pandemics – enjoying a position that elevated them above the Algerian population. [i] This fueled widespread mistrust and led to a split between the groups, which turned into the following. The grade rebellion began in May 1954 after the Sétif massacre in November 1954 when armed groups joined together to form the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN).
The Setif Massacre took place on May 8, 1945, the day Germany surrendered in World War II. In celebration, Algerian forces fighting for France displayed an Algerian flag as a symbol of independence. French soldiers responded by shooting, killing several protesters. After the riots and five days of chaos, 103 miscreants were killed. The subsequent French retaliation was overwhelming: a conservative estimate puts 15,000 Muslims dead. [ii]
The pied noir lobby was powerful in Paris, and it pushed for white supremacy such as apartheid. This — in combination with the notion related to the Algeria metropole — made the French government reluctant to address the moderate demands of nationalist Algerian groups. The French army instead responded to the small-scale rebellion with disgruntled force, effectively catalyzing a more violent response by the rebels, who targeted both Pied and liberal Algeria.
causes of the Algerian war
The scale of the French retaliation caused fear and anger among the Algerian population and retaliation among the Chitbara people. This trajectory silenced the voices of both sides who invoked restraint, and the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) thus characterized FLN terrorism and French brutality.
The Algerian War, also known as the Algerian War of Independence, (1954–62) War for Algerian Independence from France. The movement for independence began during World War I (1914–18) and gained momentum after French promises of greater self-government in Algeria and remained incomplete after World War II (1939–45). In 1954 the National Liberation Front (FLN) launched a guerrilla war against France and sought diplomatic recognition for the establishment of a sovereign Algerian state at the United Nations.
Although Algerian fighters operated in the country – particularly within the country’s borders – the most serious fighting took place in and around Algiers, where FLN fighters launched a series of violent urban attacks, known as the Battle of Algiers (1956–57).
The French army (which increased to 500,000 troops) snatched the political will of the French only to gain control, through brutal measures, and to continue the fight. In 1959 Charles de Gaulle declared that the Algerians had the right to determine their own future. Despite terrorist acts by French Algiers opposing independence and an attempted coup in France by elements of the French military, an agreement was signed in 1962, and Algeria became independent. See also Raul Salan.
The return of the repressed: the bitter legacy of the Algerian War
If you ever travel to Algiers, you are bound to find yourself at some point in the Place Maurice-Audin, a modest square in the city center. At first sight, it is a very nice place, surrounded by a bookstore, taxi rank and bus stations, and popular with students from a nearby university who come to hang out on benches, chat, smoke and flirt.
The square sits at the junction of Boulevard Mohammed-V (formerly Roulette Boulevard Saint-Saëns) and Rue Didouche Mourad (formerly Rue Michel), two of the busiest streets in Algiers, and with people from dawn to dusk Is alive – which when Algiers shuts down too much. Algérois know Audin’s surrounding shops and streets as a domestic quartet and come here mainly to buy or catch buses and taxis.
If there is a difference in the region, it is that with a few notable exceptions, it is still in a city known as a Frenchman that has greatly erased the former French colonial presence from everyday life. This is partly because the first trip to Algiers can be a disorientation experience. The Ville Nouvelle (or so-called “European quarter”) of Algiers resembles that of any French city in mainland France, more so than any other city in French North Africa.
You actually clue the lie to the street name. These include not only the Boulevards Frantz Fanon and Che Guevara, but also the names of the many streets named after Algerian heroes who fought the Algerian War against their French colonial masters from 1954 to 1962.
This is a historical reference, which also explains why a busy city-center square in Algiers, once known as Place Marchel Lieutti, was named after Maurice Audin in 1963, a young man It was the French, who reached their bloodiest climax in the form of war. Kidnapped, tortured and killed in Algiers by his own people.
Algeria after independence
Audin “disappeared” in 1957. He was 25 years old, a brilliant mathematician at a local university, a member of the Algerian Communist Party, who, like other party members, was a supporter of Algerian nationalists (Front Front Liberation Nationale, or FLN). He was arrested during the Battle of Algiers when the French army led by General Jacques Masu effectively shut down Algiers.
|Algerian civil war|
His forces had divided the city into zones that were surrounded by barbed wire and placed under searchlight, launched house-to-house searches, rounded up hundreds of suspects and subjected them to torture – though it was always official. Was ruled out.
The French version of the events so far was that Audin had survived arrest and probably fled to Tunisia, and then simply dropped out of history.
french Algerian war atrocities
Although Algerians claim to have known the facts since 1957, it took the French government nearly 60 years to accept responsibility for his assassination. In 2012, the then French President, François Hollande, came to a close when he stood at the entrance of the Tunnel de Feseltas at the unveiling of a plaque dedicated to Audin, which is at the top end of the street Place Audin.
However, standing in front of the plaque, surrounded by many people who had campaigned for five decades, to tell the truth to the French, Hollande did not actually say a word about what happened to Audin.
It was to be another year before President Emmanuel Macron announced on September 13, 2018, in a speech prepared by a team of lawyers and historians that French military officials – in other words, representatives of the French state – Were directly responsible for Audin. Death. This is the first time France has admitted that it approved the use of torture during the Algerian War.
Since then, Macron has been widely appreciated on the international stage. Most importantly, he has been compared to Jacques Chirac, who made a brave and fleeting statement in 1995 that France played a role in the deportation of 76,000 Jews to Nazi death camps during World War II. It was an admission that radically changed how the French, and the rest of the world, saw their history. Macron’s apology for the Audin episode signals parallel innings, indicating that it is time to start telling the truth about a part of French history that many French people would like to forget.
|Algeria independence day|
The Algerian War reveals such bad memories as it was a particularly vicious struggle even by the standards of the anti-colonial war. It began on 1 November 1954, with the shooting by the FLN of two young French school students who had recently married and were on vacation in the Ores Mountains – the wife survived but the husband died. This slaughter was a fitting prelude to a long and murderous disturbance. In particular, the specialty of the war was the use of terrorism by nationalists and atrocities by the French.
There were various torture techniques used by the French, depending on the circumstances and the threat from the suspect. Documented sources say that the most popular method was the gégène, a piece of military equipment that could be attached to the human body – the penis forever – and delivered a powerful blow.
Other techniques include water atrocities – mouth piercings, half-drowning in a saltwater bath, increased rectal pressure and broken bottles in the vagina of Muslim women. Journalist Henri Allen, who was captured at the same time as Audin, but lived to tell the story in a book called La Quéchachan, which became an underground bestseller in France, is about what he saw in Al Bier’s Algiers prison. Described. Torture Center, as “a school of perversion for the French nation”.
Algeria after independence
The war was not a direct conflict between the colonists and the colonies. For one thing, Algeria was not strictly speaking a colony of France, but in fact three departments with the same administrative status as Alise-Lorraine or Dordogne (this is one of the reasons why the architecture of Algiers looks so significantly French – Ville Novel was designed and built by French architects who believed that they were building a French city).
On 12 November 1954, within a few days of the conflict, Prime Minister Pierre Mendes-France gave a belligerent speech at the National Assembly in Paris, declaring that what was at stake in Algeria was France’s very existence: ” One does not compromise “when it comes to protecting the internal peace of the nation, the unity, and integrity of the republic. Algerian divisions are part of the republic… there can be no conceivable secularism. Ici, c’est la France! – – This is France! ”
Matters were further complicated by the fact that Algeria had its own white population, Chitkabre-Nair (probably so-called because they wore shiny black shoes in contrast to the Muslim population). It was a pan-Mediterranean community, made up of French, Spanish, Italian, Maltese, Portuguese, and Greeks, whose culture and dialect (called Patouete), were predominantly labor-class, and who identified as Algerian And thought they had a lot more Algerian rights – if not more – than the indigenous population of Arabs and Burghers. When it appeared that France was losing the war against the anti-colonial nationalists, most of the pied Nur saw the inevitable French surrender as a betrayal.
From this point on, the conflict became a three-way civil war, with fighting between the French government, Peeds-Noor, and predominantly Muslim nationalists. There was no longer a clear battle line or loyalty: there were Arab countries who fought for the mother country, (these were called Harkis: these days there is no great insult in France’s Arab sanctions to be called Harkis); And the French, such as Audin (a pied, nicknamed the left-wing French supporter FLN), who fought for the nationalists.
It is these bitter divisions that have been passing through the years and are still alive in France, and that is why not everyone in France welcomed Macron’s apology. Most notably the right-wing press was grumbling about how Macron was giving virtuoso-gestures to an international audience with no real knowledge of the complexity of French history.
In the tilted Valers Actuilles on the right, journalist Mikael Fonton argued that French remorse had gone too far for Algeria; It was now transformed into specialization, that the French were not the only war criminals and if it continued it would be a Franco-Algerian tragedy that would come out of it. In the same pages, professional provocative writer emric zemore went a step further, writing that even though Audin did not deserve torture, he deserved “twelve bullets in the skin” for betraying his country during a “raging war”. Were. “.
In Algeria the reaction of all these was silence. Mujahideen (war veterans) minister Tayyab Zitouni, who was the only famous politician to speak, said that Macron had made “a positive step forward” and that French crimes against Algeria during the war could only be denied. Those who “knowingly forget or are ignorant of history”. In the Arab-language newspaper El Khabar, Anodine’s editorial praised Macron without much enthusiasm, arguing that although “France had finally recognized its crimes”, other crimes required greater acceptability.
However, Macron’s apology was warmly welcomed in the French-language newspaper El Vatan, with a full-page and a glowing portrait of Maurice Audin as an Algerian patriot titled “La Verita … en Marche! ” (“Truth” was on the march! “, A fascinating reference to Macron’s political party, called En Marche!).
The piece was written in a sense of ironic excitement. In particular, journalist Samir Ghezaloui wrote acknowledging Macron’s honesty, stating that Audin was the only one of the two sides who was tortured by the French state. So the apology for Audin’s death was only a partial truth. Now the French had time to confess all the other crimes they had committed.
The only way for France to restore moral legitimacy was to lose it by using torture as a weapon during the war. He ended by calling for public squares and roads across France, in the name of Maurice Audin, and other French and Algerian victims of state torture that brought the French people of shame and dishonesty to their country.
This will, of course, never happen, any IRA more than the British government will build a memorial to the martyrs. But Ghazaloui is making a serious point and most importantly, talking to the current population of young people of Algerian origin in France. This is a generation often stigmatized in the right-wing French press for cynical behavior, riots, etc., or worse still in Islamist terrorism.
At the same time, French politicians lean to the left in the opposite direction, deliberately avoiding what they call amalgam – the mistake of mixing Algeria’s past violence with modern problems, which they argue, mostly of poor housing. The consequences are unemployment and poor life chances.
This is precisely why the Algerian War, and how it is remembered in France, is so important. This is not only an issue for politicians and historians, but it matters a lot to Algerian families whose parents and grandparents came to live in France after a war, which they “won”, and All of which often felt like outsiders. There is a feeling that somehow the war of independence was either lost or still incomplete.
This was a frontal argument in Algeria in the early 1990s, the leader of the Front Islamic du Salut (FIS), supported by the poorest people of Algerian society, started a war against the Algerian state. Thus began the Second Algerian War, which prevailed throughout the decade, when Algiers became one of the most dangerous cities in the world. Nobody knows how many people died in the war, although sensible estimates are never less than 200,000.
No one knows how much violence the Algerian government had orchestrated – reportedly aided by the French – to support the population. Violence inevitably spread to France in Algeria during the 1990s, with the mainly immigrant firing in the Quartier of Paris and the 1995 bombing of Place Saint-Michel, killing eight people and injuring 117.
This was more than 20 years ago, yet few Algerians really know or understand what happened in their country during the “black decade” of the 1990s.
This is not exactly the same situation with the Algerian War of Independence, at least in France. Over the years many official studies have been published by French and non-French historians alike. Following a change of curriculum in 2011, the Algerian War is studied at the secondary level in French schools, where it is considered to coincide with World War II and is discussed as an intellectual challenge for historians on both sides of the Mediterranean Sea. is.
The appropriate challenge here is ensuring that historians call the match in Algeria and France, which is still not quite the case. The French version of events has been blocked by official lies – as the Audin case shows – only increased resentment among the people of Algeria, especially those who lived through the war, as well as young Algerians who Parents and grandparents want to know what really happened to them during the war. Ignorance of the facts is one of the ways that the Algerian war has remained unsolved in heritage restrictions and in the prisons of present-day France.
what happened in algeria after it gained independence
This legacy also resides in the conscious and unconscious mind in the form of mainstream crime, mainly repressed form of crime and denial. These complex, semi-buried emotions, often interchangeable, are captured in the 2005 Michelle Heinke film Catch (“Hidden”) on a whole lot of intrigue and shocking violence. It is a tale of murderous revenge in which a Parisian celebrity intellectual called Georges is pursued by someone from his past, who may or may not have an Algerian child named Majid, whom George’s mother – was adopted by the father and abused. The film is not only a psychological psychological thriller but also a political metaphor, the real purpose of which is to show how trauma can happen from one generation to another.
In the wake of the massacres in Charlie Hebdo and Bataclan in his film for more than a decade on Hanneke’s diagnosis of post-colonial tensions, the metaphor also reads like a prophecy or at least a premiere.
Macron’s apology in Audin’s case – which he personally made to Josette Audin, Audin’s widow, who is 87 years old and who has spent her life campaigning for the moment – is undoubtedly a step in the right direction. Now the expectation is that Macron’s admission about Audin will eventually allow the French and Algiers to approach their history with a new openness.
The widespread expectation is that this will eventually lead to reconciliation between the two governments, whose relations have long been marked by hostility and mistrust. No less important is that people who lived through the war on both sides of the Mediterranean Sea, and their descendants, could finally recover from the brutally inflicted wounds that occurred half a century ago.
The trauma of the Algerian War is still far away. If you ever visit Algiers you can see it. As you enter the city for the first time, you note that the memorial of the bay is dominated by the martyrs, a ferocious concrete statue on the heights of Algiers. It’s shaped – definitely an accident? – Like a huge hanging. This is to remember the Algiers who laid down their lives for independence. The ugliness of the monument is terrible, but it is a fitting symbol for a city and country suffering from the fear of past and present. For a very long time, Algiers has been the site of impossible mourning for both French and Algerians.
Macron’s apology for the Audin episode would be an opportunity for expert historians to deepen his research. But we hope that it will also start the hard work of mourning on both sides.
A Chronology of the Algerian War of Independence
8 May 1945. While France celebrates VE Day, Muslim protesters in Sétif demanded Algerian independence. What begins as a march becomes a massacre: protesters retaliating (according to various estimates) to the killing of more than 100 European colonists, or pied-heirs and the French armed forces, among more than 45,000 Muslims. .
1 November 1954. Emboldened by a French defeat at Din Bien Phu, the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN) undertakes armed rebellions throughout Algeria and issues proclamations for a sovereign Algerian state. The French are unaffected, but deploy troops to monitor the situation.
August 1955. The FLN began targeting civilians, instigating a mob that kills more than 120 people in Phillipville. Between 1,200 and 12,000 Muslims were killed in retaliation by French troops, and by “Noanteente Committees” Noyd-Century Governor-General Jacques Sustel vowed not to compromise with the revolutionaries.
September 30, 1956. The FLN attempted to draw international attention to the conflict by targeting urban areas. The Battle of Algiers begins when three women bomb in public places. Algiers erupts in violence.
May 1958. A mob of people from Chittor, angry at the French government’s failure to suppress the revolution, storms the offices of the Governor-General in Algiers. With the support of French army officers, they struggle to establish Charles de Gaulle as leader of France. The French National Assembly approved. De Gaulle is greeted by Muslims and Europeans alike in Algeria.
September 1959. Highly confident that French control of Algeria is unstable, de Gaulle said that “self-determination” is necessary for Algeria. Pied-extremists are extremists. The FLN is wary of De Gaulle’s announcement.
April 1961. Attempt to overthrow de Gaulle, clinging to hope to preserve Algre Française, some of the principal generals in the French army in Algeria. This “generals put” is unsuccessful.
March 1962. Following the second round of talks in Avian, the French government announced a cease-fire.
March – June 1962. In the Organization de l’Armée Secrète (OAS) mount pessimistic-pirss-noirs terrorist attacks against civilians (Muslim and French). The FLN and the OAS eventually conclude a truss.
July 1, 1962. A referendum was held in Algeria to approve an aviation agreement, which calls for an Algerian Algierne. Six million Algiers cast their ballots for independence.
The Algerian War of Independence
Nationalist parties existed for many years, but they became increasingly radical as they realized that their goals would not be achieved through peaceful means. Before World War II, the Algerian People’s Party (Parti du Pepple Allegrín) was founded by Mesali Hadaj. The party was banned in the late 1930s and replaced in the mid-1940s by the Movement for Triumph of Democratic Liberties (Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertés Démocratiques; MTLD). A more radical paramilitary group, the Special Organization (Organization Spéciale; OS), was formed around the same time, but it was discovered by the colonial police in 1950, and many of its leaders were imprisoned.
In 1954, a group of former OS members separated from the MTLD and formed the Revolutionary Committee on Integration and Action (Comité Revolutionary d ‘Unité et d’Action; CRUA). This organization, later to become FLN, was ready for military action. Key members of the CRUA became the history (“historical leader”) of the so-called chefs of the Algerian War of Independence: Hosin-e-Ahmad, Larbi ben M’Hidi, Mottafa Bouleid, Mohammad Baudiaf, Mourad Duday, Belchem Krim, Mohammed Khyder, Rabah Bitt And Ahmed Ben Bella. He mobilized and led several hundred people in the first armed confrontation.
The war began on the night of 31 October 1954. The movement, led by the newly formed FLN, issued a leaflet stating that it aimed to restore a sovereign Algerian state. It advocated social democracy within an Islamic framework and equal citizenship for any resident in Algeria. A preamble assumed that Algeria lagged behind social and national liberation with other Arab states, but claimed that it could be saved from a difficult and prolonged conflict. Two weapons will be used: guerrilla warfare abroad and diplomatic activity abroad, especially in the United Nations (UN).
Although the first armed attack – which took place in the area of Batna and Aurése – was militarily ineffective, it arrested some 2,000 members of the MTLD, who were not supporters of the rebellion. The armed rebellion soon intensified and spread, gradually affecting large parts of the country, and some areas — particularly the northeastern parts of the Little Kabilia and parts of the Ores Mountains — became guerrilla strongholds that controlled French. Were beyond.
During the war, France joined the conflict, drafting a declaration of some two million. To counter the spread of the rebellion, the French National Assembly declared a state of emergency, first over the affected provinces and later that year throughout the country. Jacques Soustelle arrived in Algiers as the new Governor-General in February 1955, but the new plan he announced four months later proved ineffective once again.
The war took a decisive turn in August 1955 when a widespread armed outbreak at Skikda, north of the Constantine region, led to the killing of nearly 100 European and Muslim officials. The counter-protest of both the French army and the settlers claimed lives of somewhere between 1,200 (according to French sources) and 12,000 (according to Algerian sources) Algerians.
The Republican Front’s electoral victory in France in January 1956 and the premiere of Guy Mollet led to the appointment of liberal and veteran General Georges Catroux as Governor-General. When Mollett personally went to Algiers to prepare the way for the new governor-general, the Europeans bombarded him with tomatoes. Due to this pressure, he allowed Catrox to withdraw and named resident socialist Robert Lacoste in his place. Lacoste’s policy was to rule Algeria through decree, and he gave the military extraordinary powers. At the same time, he wanted to give the country a decentralized administrative structure that allowed some autonomy.
A French army of 500,000 soldiers was sent to Algeria to counter rebel strongholds in more distant parts of the country, while the rebels collected money for their cause and reprimanded fellow Muslims who would not cooperate with them. By the spring of 1956, previously non-controversial political leaders, such as Fahat Abbas and AUMA’s Taufiq al-Madni, joined FLN leaders in Cairo, where the group was headquartered.
The first FLN Congress took place in August – September 1956 in the Saumum Valley between Great and Little Kabilia and brought the FLN leadership together to evaluate the war and its objectives. Algeria was divided into six autonomous regions (wilāyāt), each headed by guerrilla commanders who later played an important role in the affairs of the country.
The Congress created a written forum on the aims and objectives of the war and established the National Council for the Algerian Revolution (Conseil National de la Revolution Algerian) and the Coordination and Enforcement Committee (Commere de Coordination et de-excision), executive of FLN Subsequent acting as a branch.
Externally, the major event of 1956 was the French decision to give Morocco and Tunisia complete independence and focus on maintaining “French Algeria”. The Sultan and Premier of Tunisia, Morocco Habib Borguiba, was hoping to find an acceptable solution to the Algerian problem. Tunis is set to have a meeting with some important Algerian leaders (including Ben Bella, Baudif, Khyder, and A-Ahmed), who were guests of the Sultan in Rabat.
However, French intelligence officials forced the aircraft that had been hired by the Moroccan government to land in Oran instead of Tunis. Algerian leaders were then jailed in France for the rest of the war. The act further hardened the Algerian leadership’s resolve to continue fighting and to attack Morocco’s Meknes, saving the lives of 40 French settlers before the Moroccan government could restore order.
Started in 1956 and continued until the summer of the following year, FLN attempted to paralyze the administration of Algiers, known as the Battle of Algiers. Attacks by the FLN against both military and civilian European targets were countered by paratroopers led by General Jacques Masu. To stem the tide of FLN attacks, the French military resorted to torture and summary execution of hundreds of suspects. The entire leadership of the FLN was eventually abolished or forced to flee.
The French cut Algeria from independent Tunisia and Morocco by barbed wire fences illuminated by nighttime searchlights. This separated the Algerian resistance bands from the approximately 30,000 armed Algerians within the country, who occupied the Garhwali fence and the places between the actual borders of Tunisia and Morocco from which they supplied. These soldiers, as a base, had the benefit of friendly people and a sympathetic government; And, although they could not enter Algeria, they could disturb the French line.
Inspired by these attacks, in February 1958 the French Air Force bombed the Tunisian frontier village of Saqiyat Sidi Yasuf; Many civilians, including local school children, were killed. It led to an Anglo-American mediation mission, which negotiated the withdrawal of French troops from various districts of Tunisia and their serialization at a naval base in the Tunisian city of Basserian.
The Maghreb Unity Congress was held in April under the joint aegis of the Moroccan and Tunisian nationalist parties and the Algerian FLN, and recommended the establishment of an Algerian government-in-exile and a permanent secretariat to promote Maghreb unity. Five months later the FLN formed the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (initially the Govenement Provisional de la Republique Algreni; GPRA), led by Farhab Abbas.
By then, there was a complete change of circumstances by events in May 1958; These began as a typical settler rebel – thousands invaded the offices of the Governor-General and, with the tacit approval of army officers, called for the unification of Algeria with France and de Gaulle’s return to power. The following month de Gaulle, as Prime Minister, visited Algiers amid great enthusiasm. He gave all Muslims full rights of French citizenship, and on 30 October, in Constantine, he announced plans to provide adequate school and medical services for the Algerian population, create employment for them and bring them to higher ranks. Of public services.
In anticipation of the inauguration of the United Nations General Assembly, he went further away after September, declaring publicly that the Algerians had the right to determine their own future. The settler population responded by staging a new rebellion in January 1960, but it collapsed after nine days for lack of military support. A year later, however, as the negotiations with GPRA were more likely, another rebellion ensued, this time organized by four generals, two of whom — Raoul Salan and Maurice Shale — were previously commanders in chief in Algeria.